John F. Woolverton and James D. Bratt
Eerdmans, 280 pages
Reviewed by Rick Nutt
This book contributes to the growing literature of religion and the presidents of the United States. Franklin D. Roosevelt, a master politician, might not spring to mind when pondering the religious convictions of presidents, but this work makes a convincing argument that his political philosophy had roots in his religious background.
Roosevelt’s parents adhered to a liberal Episcopal form of Christianity that embraced the Social Gospel; that ideology was reinforced at Groton School, and headmaster Endicott Peabody remained influential in Roosevelt’s adult life. Roosevelt affirmed that God was involved in the world, ordering and guiding it for the betterment of the whole and for individuals. There was a vision for a good society in that theology, which Roosevelt understood to promote such values as the common good, equity, justice, security (economic and otherwise) and the importance of each person. Roosevelt understood that government could play a role in that work of God, and the New Deal grew out of that conviction.
1 Corinthians 13 was Roosevelt’s favorite passage of Scripture — each time he was inaugurated governor of New York and president, the Bible was opened there. Dividing Roosevelt’s career into “hope” in preparation for the presidency, “charity” (as agape) for the early presidency and then “faith” after 1936 is forced, but it has the advantage of demonstrating how religious concepts can inform public action. The authors also note the way in which Roosevelt peppered his speeches with biblical imagery and the power of his public prayers during national emergencies. The case is well-made that his understanding of Christianity informed his understanding of government and the kind of nation for which we should strive.
The book leaves the reader with questions. Little is said about faith in Roosevelt’s personal life. His copy of the Episcopal prayer book was “well-worn,” and faith certainly helped him through his battle with polio. Almost nothing is said of his marital infidelity; can we have a full picture of his religious understanding without knowing how he reconciled his behavior with it? Further, the authors could have provided more historical context for some of the discussion and more definitions — for instance, will most readers understand “muscular Christianity,” which emerged post-Civil War in the U.S.?
This is a well-researched and well-written book. Its strength is its focus on the influence of Roosevelt’s Christianity on his understanding of the role of government in promoting the good society. The afterword, in which Roosevelt’s application of faith to government is compared to that of Abraham Lincoln and Herbert Hoover, is a good analysis of how the end of one’s political philosophy will reflect its origins. For example, Lincoln’s struggles with faith always led him to ask “why” of God (see his second inaugural speech), whereas Roosevelt was convinced of God’s presence and so asked “how” he could help the nation do God’s work.
In a climate in which much of the nation’s political leadership seems bent on using religion only to stir up a base of support for nationalistic purposes, it is helpful to be reminded of what real faith commitment can mean for a program of national betterment and government policies that serve those whom the system will otherwise leave behind.
Rick Nutt is an ordained Presbyterian pastor and professor of religion emeritus at Muskingum University in New Concord, Ohio.
